ANALYTICAL PREMISES

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1. STRIKE NOW! The first and main premise has to do with *urgency*. Capitalism transforms the whole human life, even its natural and biological aspects. Such a transformation is both exceptional and irreversible. We are facing one Worldwide Government and one way of life which is imposed on the majority of humans, who regard it as the only possible reality and no longer seem to offer resistance. What does this *exceptionality* lie in? Back in Medieval Europe, Pope and Emperor used to be identified with the sun and the moon, that is with elements of the natural order. But the present-day situation is quite different. A wo/man of the Middle Ages could walk out of the everyday environment and find a natural space void of any reference to the social system s/he belonged to. Nowadays, on the contrary, a metropolitan wo/man can find no space which is not characterized by anthropical factors and the structure of the system. Outskirts, hypermarkets and motorways are nodes of a gigantic web of access codes, 'smart' cards, membership cards and passwords: all the space which a human body can run across is under control. The space of postmodern society has to do with omnipresence - kind of a Big Everywhere. This situation regards both the ruling Western countries and the 'underdeveloped' ones, whose inhabitants are now suffering a vertiginous urbanization. As to *irreversibility*, we must consider two different levels: a- First of all, the whole planet is fenced in, and the fence is made of financial transfers and transactions controlled by such transnational organizations as the OCSE, the IMF and the World Bank. As a marginal process, aleatory minority economies are emerging, nevertheless they depend on the global machine, which is indispensable to any manifacturing activity. b- The theoretical operation of society and the state is still based on the equation <work = production development = economical growth>. But there's been a change - there is no work anymore. Capital no longer needs human work-force - in fact, it has become self-sufficient. Although millions and millions of people still busy themselves with the corpse of labour, poverty increases everyday. The needs related to poverty are satisfied by organized crime -by several local and international mafias- and the faster organized crime grows, the more detailed social control gets. While telecameras and satellites are scanning us, ever more people get on the rolls of police forces and the prison system gets worser. Except jailhouses and the police, there's no other way out of this condition in the social areas assailed with poverty and crime, thus poverty increases again. It's an endless cycle. Gentrification throws the poor out of their areas, and some rich districts are accessible only by code cards. When anyone who hangs about some tumble-down metropolitan area risks their throat, in their brain there's no room left for the idea of an egalitarian world. This process is *irreversible* because neoliberalism has provided for an ideological justification. This social system produced the so-called "pens e'e unique", i.e. a vessel for anything happens; whatever social transformation is to be contrived *within* this vessel. The only desires we are allowed to conceive are those governed by the codes of individual consumption. The only collective subjectivities we are allowed to create are either sectarian or neo-tribal - that is to say, they follow the mainstream of homogenized behaviours. Thus we appeal to all those who share our sense of *urgency*: strike now, and break that vessel. We've got to launch a great attack on an intercontinental scale. Obviously we don't aim at an immediate destruction of the world order, we simply want to *prove that it is possible as a concrete goal*. There's also another purpose. A net is a means, not an end in itself. We expect this net to make the most of the differences between us, and to have a precise revolutionary goal.

2. ENVIRONMENTAL AUTONOMY. We call our proposal the NETWORK OF EVENTS; an event is a situation which affects the *environment*. We don't mean the natural *environment* - we do talk about the everyday space-time wrapping up our individual lives. Although we acknowledge the importance of the struggles at workplaces, antimilitarism, women's and gender liberation, ecology, antiracism etc. We think that the environment is the point of convergence and *the principium individuationis of all social contradictions*. Since we face an ongoing urbanization, the environment we are concerned with is the metropolitan one. Here we see that the rhythm and the speed which the cycle work-home-consumption imposes on bodies and minds operate on an ideological level and manage to make this state of things acceptable, nay, undisputable. Urban territories are strategic playgrounds for the financial oligarchies (e.g. a town-planning scheme may be altered in order to build a commercial centre), as well as battlefields for militarization and separation between the 'included' and the 'excluded' people. Moreover, environmental factors directly concern human beings apart from their social, cultural or professional traits. If we all got organized with and separation between the 'included' and the 'excluded' people. Moreover, environmental factors directly concern human beings apart from their social, cultural or professional traits. If we all got organized with reference to these factors, then we would constitute a manifold subjectivity which is not restricted to one class or one minority. The new forms of struggle must be *heterogeneous collective aggregations* that, besides *confronting particular contradictions*, have to attack and destructure the *environmental* aspect of the system. Moreover, they are to found a different lifestyle in the everyday space-time, by assailing the latter's codes and laws. We call this strategical North Star *environmental autonomy*. It goes without saying that an environment is defined both by the information running across it and by the collective imagery. It is the latter that must be regarded as our most crucial battlefield. After all, events involve a limited number of people during a limited period, thus an event must get media coverage. As regards the media, defeat may lie in two different responses: the first one is *invisibility* - once the event is over, even the most effective action can be annihilated by the turning back of the everyday, indeed, of the *environment*. The second one is *codification*; the media is not to be simplistically charged with mendacity, because true and false usually mix in every process of communication - no, the actual problem with the media is that it can *organize* the report of the facts and decide whether they are important or not, and the parameter is always the *organization of power*.

3. INSURRECTION AS A PROJECT. Environment means *totality*. Capitalism establishes itself as a totality, therefore the confrontation must take place on a total level. This implies that every particular conflict should contain a factor of *systemic destructuration* - destructuration of the codes, the laws and the framework of power. Environmental autonomy means *insurrection*, by which we refute any spontaneistic *negativism* (i.e. we don't exist in order to deny something else): insurrection is a project, the refusal of a negative subjectivity and the constitution of an *assertive* one. Any form of struggle which neglects insurrection *as a project* is condemned to partiality. It is sad about the present-day situation, because partiality is a characteristic feature of every struggle - conflict fail to connect each other. Struggles on work, ecology or the rights of minoritarian groups always imply the demand for more democracy within this system. It's a troubled search of interstices in a pre-established context, but it is this very context, i.e. the Worldwide Government and its control machines (the IMF, etc.), that causes *exploitation*. A multifarious totality which tends to assimilate every singularity, no matter how antagonistic, cannot be fought simply by demanding more democracy. We can assert our political subjectivity as a totality only by consciously planning insurrection as a project that marks a total difference from the capitalistic structure. Of course the struggles must keep their peculiarities, nevertheless they should always aim at the destruction of the vessel. Insurrection has various forms. Liberation begins when we realize that no form is better than the other ones: a sabotage of infrastructures placed on the territory has the same importance as a disrupting art action; an armed assault has the same importance as a non-violent symbolic act. In particular, we think that the con textual use of both violence and non-violence is a sign of power and freedom of choice.

4. AN EXCHANGE OF TECHNIQUES. The overthrow of partiality does not consist in an impossible specialization in every field. The construction of our subjectivity is chiefly a process of *self-evaluation* in which we considerably broaden our power and *knowledge*. Thus the function of a network is not only the exchange of information, but also the exchange of skills. We hope for an international network of struggling groups who share their skills by organizing stages, seminars etc. Likewise, it is important to sort out the income problems. We don't rely on a more or less "revolutionary" voluntary service. It takes the construction of a new, self-managed exchange-value to make the most of the skills of the people in the network. We realize, however, that this is too complex an issue for this writing.

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